1. What fails MCA? What does MCA stand for now?
MCA’s failure lies in its fear to voice its convictions.
We have the little brother mindset that prevents us from playing a more active role in formulating and deciding key policies that impact our community and our nation.
We have a post-May 13 spirit of fear that we will offend our UMNO partners and lose positions and privileges if we speak out against policies that are obviously detrimental to the unity and development of our nation.
And because of this mindset and spirit, we have lost our focus from being a political party that grapples with the big policy issues of our day, to focus on the smaller welfare programs. Though these programs are good, MCA must be a political party first and foremost!
A silent politician is no politician. Silent politics is equal to zero politics.
2. What do you think MCA should stand for?
MCA must fight to uphold the Federal Constitution, which under Article 8 declares all Malaysians as equal before the law and therefore entitled to the equal protection of the law.
MCA must stand for the fundamental tenets of Vision 2020, which is the creation of a unified and progressive nation that is socially just and prosperous.
MCA must therefore stand for, and fight for, the fundamental rights of the Malaysian rakyat.
3. What is the relevance of an ethnic-based party, such as MCA, for Malaysians today?
A mono-ethnic party that acts on its own has no relevance in Malaysia today. However, MCA must be taken in context with its alliance with the other mono-ethnic parties that comprise the Barisan Nasional. This alliance was formed on the basis of mutual respect and consensus amongst the different races post-Merdeka. It’s original creed and ideals were to align the needs of each ethnic group in Malaysia so that none are left out. I concede that the original spirit of the alliance has altered drastically – especially since the May 13th incident.
Therefore for MCA to return to relevance we must fight for the restoration of the original spirit of the Barisan Nasional coalition. And perhaps one day to even forge a single multi-ethnic party with our coalition partners.
4. Malaysians are used to being told how parties such as MCA and UMNO ‘fight for the rights of their members’, ie the Chinese/Malay/Indians. What are these rights?
The rights as defined within the Federal Constitution, i.e. the rights to equal protection before the law, the freedom to worship as they choose, the rights to Mother Tongue education, the rights to cultural and political expression.
5. Why is it that it has taken an UMNO outcast to champion ‘ketuanan rakyat’?
Perhaps because his years in the ‘political wilderness’ humbled him enough to see the world as the man on the street desires it to be.
6. Should the MCA pull out of Barisan Nasional? The MCA has been a partner of UMNO since Independence but from a relationship that can be described as “Setiakawan” during the time of Tun Tan Cheng Lock, HS Lee, Tan Siew Sin, it has eroded over the last thirty years to become one in which UMNO is big brother and everyone else poor cousins in terms of political power. We have seen in the recent past how the MCA President has had to “kow tow” to the UMNO Youth Chief. Realistically, how can the MCA revert back to the “setiakawan” relationship with UMNO? And if it can’t happen, the Chinese community will abandon the party even more. Your comments please.
As you have mentioned we have had a long relationship with our BN partners, notably UMNO. I do not believe it is right for us to treat a relationship that old, with so much history and achievements, that lightly. To pull out now just because of the change in tides smacks of political opportunism, and the rakyat will note it with cynicism.
In as much as we blame UMNO for the loss of two thirds of all our seats, we must be frank and take responsibility ourselves as well. I warned back in 2005 that unless MCA changed, we would be rejected by the community. I asked then whether our constituents supported us because of our ideals and our policies, or did they support us just because we carry the BN flag? I asked because it seemed then even as it seems now that the people give or withhold their support to MCA on the basis of the positive or negative actions of UMNO. MCA has lost its voice, its ability to persuade based on its own merit and must borrow its prestige from UMNO.
And in an ironic twist, because we emasculated ourselves we too failed the Barisan Nasional. We should have had the courage to voice the concerns of our constituents. We failed to remember that the overwhelming victory the BN obtained in 2003 was because of the promises of change we gave to the rakyat. The MCA leadership should have been more vigorous in pushing the government in fulfilling the election pledges. Instead our leadership grew complacent.
7. We are told that if a referendum was held among party members today, the majority will vote that the party leaves BN. Your comments? And would you be prepared, on becoming president, to put this to a referendum?
Yes I have heard that sentiment voiced all across the country. However I believe that it is important first and foremost for MCA to set its own house in order. We need to become a political party of principle. And our principles must be in alignment with the rakyat. MCA must work to reconnect with our community specifically and together with BN the rakyat generally.
Ultimately, our decision to remain or leave the BN must be based on principles, not expediency. And I personally believe that a reformed MCA must help to lead the fight for reform within the BN.
As I believe MCA can be redeemed, therefore I believe UMNO and the BN too can be redeemed.
8. What are the fundamental reforms that you would advocate for the MCA, assuming that you think the party needs reforming?
Well, as mentioned earlier we need to reform our mindset, our spirit and our focus. We need to get serious on national policy, we need to find our voice to represent to the government the needs and desires of not just the Malaysian Chinese, but Malaysians in general. And to do that we need to get in touch with the rakyat again. Reconnect with them if you will.
I also believe that the MCA party itself needs to be more transparent and tolerant of dissent. I would move to limit the powers of our Disciplinary Committee so that its powers cannot be used to silence legitimate dissent within the party.
I would also convene a National Conference of party leaders, businessmen, religious leaders, educationists and NGOs to create a masterplan for the party, community and the nation. This would form one of the key strategies of reconnecting with the people and would provide a political roadmap for MCA.
9. Coming down to the nitty gritty of policy – what would you advocate for say, Chinese education? As much as UMNO is protectionist of its bastions such as UiTM, a certain Malaysian Chinese constituency will defend its right to mother tongue education.
This is one example of antagonistic and expedient political posturing that has fundamentally damaged the country’s institutions and the country itself. For example, the Malaysian student body is polarised between Malay and non-Malay, and from a young age. Would you agree, and can a party like the MCA address a very fundamental problem of this nature? How so?
Well, I would like to point out that Article 12 of the Federal Constitution states that there should be no discrimination in the allocation of funds to schools based on race or religion. So I believe it is important for MCA to remind the government that it must match the funding it gives to the vernacular and religious schools to the funding it gives to the national language schools.
And I think the general population is still in favour of preserving the right to Mother Tongue education as enshrined in our Federal Constitution. I have to disagree that the ethnic polarisation in the Malaysian student body you mentioned is due solely to the existence of Mother Tongue language schools.
I do believe we can have unity in diversity. And it matters not if we have different cultural backgrounds, so long as we have the will and the language skill to communicate effectively with one another. So perhaps we need to strengthen our linguistic studies to ensure effective communication.
No, the ethnic polarisation in our country has much to do with the fact that the government, through the NEP, seeks to identify and classify the rakyat according to ethnic lines in order to determine the allocation of benefits and government projects.
When the NEP was first established its primary objective was two-pronged: - firstly to eradicate poverty and secondly, to remove the identification of economic activity along ethnic lines.
So for all intents and purposes the objective of the second prong of the NEP was to blur the racial lines and to create a unified Malaysian race.
I think over the years the government has lost sight of this original intent, and we find that the NEP is now entrenching ethnic divisions rather than tearing them down. I believe now is the time to bring the NEP to a close and to create poverty-eradication policies that are truly blind to ethnicity, and for national policies that will unify us. Only then can Malaysia move forward, as one nation undivided.
10. Pakatan Rakyat’s agenda for reforms in the economy and governance of the country, especially in pursuing economic policies that are driven by merit and needs rather than ethnicity. Shouldn’t the MCA support such an agenda?
Absolutely! In fact I’m saddened that through our leadership’s complacency we have surrendered this morally high ground to others.
So yes, MCA must support this agenda as a matter of principle and we must persuade our BN partners to do likewise.
11. There is a clamour for democracy from ordinary Malaysians. And yet the parties that are now in government seem unable to conduct their own elections in a democratic fashion, using a multi-layered delegate system that is prone to being corrupted instead of direct voting. Is there money politics in MCA?
Sadly I believe so. However, I believe in the decency and intelligence of the members to put their party and community first, especially at such a time as this when we are fighting for the very survival of our party.
If elected I will affirm my commitment to not be corrupt before all the delegates. I will set the tone for honest democracy within the party.
12. Would you advocate opening up the MCA’s voting process to grassroots members, and making the campaign funding of candidates more transparent?
The problem is not in the delegate system, the problem is the money politics that distorts the democratic process. It is a matter of enforcement, of the party leadership taking a firm stand to crack down on this practice. We have the party organs – the organising state secretariats, the Disciplinary Committee to investigate these claims and enforce party regulations. this is a matter of the political will to overcome this problem.
13. One that has been forgotten in the aftermath of March 8 is the promise by the government for Cabinet ministers to declare their assets, or at least their financial interests. Should office bearers of political parties in power show the way, with MCA in the lead?
When I was a Minister and even as a backbencher everyone from the frontbench to the backbench had to declare their assets.
On my part I definitely support this practice.
However I’m not sure if it should apply to all office bearers of political parties, especially if they are not holding a government portfolio and hence would still considered private citizens and therefore possess the right to privacy.
14. How different is your agenda from that of your rivals for the party leadership?
To be fair, I have yet to see their agenda on the table. I hear the word ‘change’ quite a bit but nothing concrete. I would hope to convince the central delegates that it is easy to talk about change in hindsight, which is the aftermath of our disastrous electoral showing on March 8. I however spoke about change even after the overwhelming electoral victory we won in 2003, as can be seen in my previous manifesto. That is foresight, which I contend is much more difficult and thus a more important quality to have in a leader especially in these difficult times.
I debated the revival of the NEP, first suggested by UMNO Youth and later endorsed by UMNO, with Khairy Jamaluddin in 2005, well aware then that the NEP would one day become a millstone around the BN’s neck, especially as the electorate matures and comes to expect changes from government to keep up with their needs and ideals.
I spoke about changing the way MCA does politics and how important it was for us to find our courage so that we could voice the aspirations of our people in the corridors of power.
I spoke about changing the education system so that every Malaysian child has a future and a place in our local economy as well as the global marketplace.
I spoke about upgrading our industries and retraining our labour force so that Malaysia can remain competitive in the dynamic global economy, especially in the face of the rising economic giants that is India and China.
I spoke about the urgency of having masterplans in Education, Economics, Politics and Culture to provide the roadmap and direction for the party, community and nation, where the best and brightest would be invited to be the think tank that formulates those masterplans.
I spoke about those things then, I speak about them now. And if given the opportunity to lead, I will continue not only to speak out but to strive to make these reforms a reality.
That is the real difference between me and my rivals.
March 8th was our wake up call; let MCA arise to a new dawn on October 18th!
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