巫统多名高层领袖针对拿督蔡锐明结束“新经济政策”言论进行反击。

1. 巫统副主席兼甲州首席部长拿督斯里莫哈末阿里： “他(拿督蔡锐明)应提供意见来协助以提升华社的进步和 消除贫 穷，而不是攻击友族。” 2. 巫青团团长兼教育部长拿督斯里希山莫丁： “我们了解这和党选有联系。但，此举并不恰当，因国 政即将进行改革。” 3. 首相署部长拿督斯里莫哈末那芝里： “此言论来自一位已没有权力及不被华社接受的领袖，为了得到华社的支持而发此言论。” 4. 半岛马来学生联合会署理主席赛安华赛莫哈末： “必须对拿督蔡锐明采取行动以制止他人为个人利益发出敏感言论。” 5. 巫统全国宣传主任丹斯里莫哈末达益： “无论在各领域，只要土著还继续需要扶助，无限期享有特权，将继续成为政策。” ( 资料来源：马来先锋报30-9-2008 )

蔡銳明發表競選宣言停止新經濟政策

（吉隆坡28日訊）馬華總會長候選人拿督蔡銳明，今日公佈以“重建馬華，重拾民心，實現2020宏願”的競選宣言，建議政府停止實行新經濟政策，並在明年召開第3次國家經濟協調委員會會議，制訂公平的經濟政策。
他說，國陣政府若不結束掀不滿的新經濟政策，仍會在來屆大選中失去華印裔選民的支持。
達先進國宏願
他強調，新經濟政策實行38年來，已成功消除貧窮及重組社會，成功建立人數龐大的馬來中產階級，現在是時候結束新經濟政策。
蔡銳明今日在競選宣言新聞發佈會上指出，政府在2005年重新採用新經濟政策時，他曾提出反對，並和巫青團署理團長凱里在電視台進行公開辯論。
“與1969年的經濟與教育情況比較，現在的馬來人無論是經濟或教育水平，都提高很多，聯合國發展計劃署曾讚揚馬來西亞，成功在短時間內建立龐大的馬來中產階級。”
蔡銳明指出，只有停止推行新經濟政策，我國才有希望達到2020年先進國宏願。

蔡锐明炮打诗杰敢怒敢言？？？？

锐明炮打诗杰敢怒敢言？　蔡锐明：小事才轰，大事噤声 Date: 2008-9-29 12:14:20 AM （吉隆坡讯）马华总会长候选人拿督蔡锐明，今日讥讽其对手拿督翁诗杰，只在小事上敢怒敢言，没有在大事上敢怒敢言。 他揶揄翁诗杰，若能交出批评巫统的“成绩单”，才称得上敢怒敢言。 他说，他本身只记得，翁诗杰在“3万变3000”的学校维修拨款被干捞事件中，敢怒敢言的例子。 他说，他本身在大课题上展现敢怒敢言作风，而不只是在小事上敢怒敢言，例如于2005年反对政府重新推行新经济政策。 需要有智慧领导层 “如果翁诗杰能说出他几时批评巫统、纪录他何时批评过巫统，才来说敢怒敢言吧！” 蔡锐明强调，经济是华族的命脉，只有敢怒敢言并不够，重要的是针对大事敢怒敢言。 “我们要对大事，不是小事。” 蔡锐明也讽刺翁诗杰，终于放下自鸣清高的态度，在本月30日公布其竞选宣言。 “翁诗杰之前曾说，他不需要宣言。我高兴他同意发布竞选宣言，我们要了解他的竞选理念。 “我公布竞选宣言，是要和党代表分享我的愿景，没有愿景，何来前景？” 蔡锐明指出，马华除了要清白的领导层，也需要有智慧的领导层，而不只是敢怒敢言的领导层，以赢回民心。 “虽然一些马华党员表明可随时离开国阵，但是，我的立场是，现在不是离开国阵的时候。巫统与国大党是马华的历史性伙伴，在危机时离开，在道德上是不对的。” 他认为，马华应在308政治海啸后，与合作伙伴谈判交流，探讨如何赢回民心，马华中委也应讨论未来的计划。 翁诗杰：过气政客，也来呛声 （吉隆坡讯）“若干意欲‘回锅’的过气政客，竟也一改常态，洗心革面加入‘敢怒敢言’行列？” 马华副总会长拿督翁诗杰今日在其部落格指出，在308大选的冲击后，过气政客静极思动之余，蓦然一个急转身速变脸，竟也套上“敢怒敢言”的脸谱，摆出一副乱臣贼子的身段。 他说，过气政客举手投足，无一不是“敢怒敢言”的功架；呛声朝政的嗓子，也绝不比正牌“敢怒敢言”者逊色；骂劲之凶比起在野党，更有过之而无不及。 博取基层支持 “这种急速的政治变脸，蓦觉今是昨非的骤变，诚然令人感到纳闷万分。” 翁诗杰指出，洞察党情之士自是明了个中玄虚，知道此乃党内的选情使然，碍于标榜“敢怒敢言”的从政风格后市看起，身价暴涨，任何有志问鼎党职的党员同志，包括有志回锅的过气政客当然要从善如流，顺应这种人心的转变。 “饶有趣味的是，当他们换上“敢怒敢言”的脸谱，力陈施政弊端时，他们似乎患上选择性的健忘，浑然忘记今天自己抨击否定的何尝不是当年自己维护主张的？” 翁诗杰所言似乎暗喻某过气政客，为了即将来临的党选，竟以“敢怒敢言”形象示人，博取基层支持。

Jangan Guna Isu Perkauman Raih Sokongan

Tuesday, 30 September 2008 06:29am ©Utusan Malaysia (Digunakan dengan kebenaran)Oleh Suwarni Mokhtar dan Au Yeong HowKUALA LUMPUR 29 Sept. - Calon Presiden MCA, Datuk Chua Jui Meng diminta berhenti daripada menggunakan taktik lapuk yang berbau perkauman bagi meraih sokongan dalam pemilihan parti itu bulan depan.Pemimpin UMNO dan pertubuhan bukan kerajaan (NGO) berpendapat bekas Naib Presiden MCA itu sepatutnya mengetengahkan dasar-dasar baru untuk membantu kaum Cina dan bukan menggunakan isu sama seperti pembangkang. Naib Presiden UMNO, Datuk Seri Mohd. Ali Rustam berkata, Jui Meng takut dengan bayang-bayangnya sendiri dan tiada idea baru sehingga terpaksa mengunakan taktik yang sama digunakan oleh DAP bagi meraih sokongan perwakilan.''Tidak perlu layan kenyataan macam ini. Pada masa sekarang, isu berbentuk perkauman tidak begitu disukai oleh orang ramai, jadi menggunakan Dasar Ekonomi Baru (DEB) sebagai cara untuk meraih sokongan tidak lagi relevan dan ia merupakan satu taktik lapuk.''Dia sepatutnya memberi idea bagaimana cara mahu membantu masyarakat Cina untuk maju dan membasmi kemiskinan di kalangan kaum tersebut serta bukannya menghentam kaum lain,'' katanya ketika dihubungi Utusan Malaysia di sini hari ini.Beliau diminta mengulas kenyataan calon Presiden MCA itu yang mengumumkan manifestonya semalam dengan menggesa pelaksanaan DEB dikaji semula kerana ia kini sudah tidak lagi menjadi keperluan memandangkan orang Melayu telah berjaya.Ketua Pergerakan Pemuda UMNO, Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Tun Hussein pula mengingatkan calon pemilihan parti komponen Barisan Nasional (BN) tidak membangkitkan isu sensitif dalam usaha mereka untuk meraih sokongan pada pemilihan parti masing-masing.Menurutnya, tindakan 'menjolok sarang tebuan' itu hanya menidakkan segala usaha pemimpin BN yang selama ini mahu menyatupadukan rakyat.''Kita faham ini ada kena mengena dengan pemilihan dalam parti masing-masing. Tetapi tindakan itu adalah tidak wajar kerana selepas ini, BN pun perlu berubah dan melalui transformasi.''Nasihat saya kepada calon yang mahu menang agar jangan keterlaluan sehingga menidakkan apa yang pemimpin BN sebelum ini telah bina,'' katanya.Menurutnya, calon parti komponen BN itu tidak sewajarnya mengikut rentak parti pembangkang yang memainkan isu perkauman dalam meraih sokongan.Menteri di Jabatan Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Mohamed Nazri Aziz pula berkata, seperti sudah menjadi trend pelbagai pihak pada masa ini cuba meraih sokongan dengan memainkan isu berkaitan orang Melayu.''Trend ini bukan sahaja tidak memberi manfaat malah merosakkan hubungan antara kaum.''Bagi saya, kenyataan ini datang daripada seseorang yang sudah tidak ada kuasa, yang sudah tidak diterima oleh masyarakat Cina itu sendiri dan cara untuk mendapat sokongan adalah dengan mengeluarkan kata-kata macam ini. Jadi, jangan layan lagi elok,'' ujarnya.Nazri turut menyatakan, usaha untuk membantu orang Melayu hanya akan terhenti sekiranya Perlembagaan dipinda kerana kerajaan melaksanakan usaha-usaha membantu kaum itu berdasarkan pada perkara yang termaktub dalam Perlembagaan.''Hak sama rata kaum juga tidak diabaikan oleh kerajaan malah mereka bebas melakukan apa sahaja kerana ia turut termaktub dalam Perlembagaan selagi ia tidak menyentuh hak istimewa orang Melayu.''Di Malaysia sahaja yang kaum Cina dan India boleh mempunyai sekolah mereka sendiri tetapi tidak di negara lain,'' tambahnya.Ketua Penerangan UMNO, Senator Tan Sri Muhammad Muhd. Taib berkata, kenyataan yang dibuat oleh Jui Meng adalah sekadar untuk meraih undi dan tiada unsur keikhlasan.Jelasnya, walaupun sudah banyak orang Melayu kelas menengah, masih ramai lagi yang dibendung masalah kemiskinan.''Selagi orang Melayu perlu diberi bimbingan dalam mana-mana bidang, selagi itu ia akan terus menjadi matlamat kerajaan kerana ia sebahagian daripada keistimewaan Melayu seperti termaktub dalam Artikel 153 yang tidak ada tarikh luput,'' katanya.Oleh itu, katanya, tidak ada siapa boleh mempersoalkannya atau menimbulkan sebarang sentimen terhadap hak keistimewaan Melayu.Timbalan Menteri Usahawan dan Koperasi, Datuk Saifuddin Abdullah pula berkata, pembangunan kaum Melayu yang agak tertinggal ke belakang berbanding kaum lain tidak boleh dinafi dan DEB diwujudkan bagi mengecilkan jurang perbezaan itu.''Kalau mahu jadi calon pun, jangan ghairah sangat sehingga mengenepikan sensitiviti orang Melayu demi kepentingan sendiri,'' katanya.Sementara itu, Presiden Pertubuhan Profesional Melayu, Profesor Datuk Dr. Kamarudin Kachar berkata, sebagai calon pemimpin MCA adalah komponen dalam BN, Jui Meng seharusnya mengambilkira semangat perpaduan antara kaum.''Kenyataan yang dikeluarkannya itu boleh mempengaruhi orang bawahannya dan seterusnya merosakkan semangat perpaduan yang lama terjalin di negara ini," jelasnya.Tambah beliau, DEB masih relevan malah ia juga adalah salah satu strategi untuk memupuk perpaduan rakyat bagi mengelak kejadian hitam rusuhan kaum 13 Mei daripada berulang kembali.''Kalau mahu betulkan ekonomi tidak salah, tetapi jangan sesekali diusik atau diungkitkan dasar ini kerana ia boleh menyebabkan keresahan di kalangan orang ramai.''Fikir sebelum bercakap, jaga perasaan kaum bumiputra dan elakkan perasaan iri hati kerana ia akan memburukkan lagi keadaan," ujarnya.Timbalan Presiden Gabungan Pelajar Melayu Semenanjung (GPMS), Syed Anuar Syed Mohamed berkata, kerajaan perlu mengkaji sama ada kenyataan Jui Meng itu perlu diambil tindakan atau tidak kerana ia boleh menggugat keamanan negara.''Ini penting bagi memberi amaran kepada pihak lain supaya tidak memainkan isu sensitif yang boleh menggugat suasana perpaduan negara demi kepentingan peribadi," tegasnya.Menurutnya, DEB tidak sepatutnya dijadikan isu terutamanya oleh pemimpin yang pernah berada di dalam Kabinet.''Beliau seharusnya faham dan mengetahui bahawa DEB telah lama wujud serta dipersetujui oleh semua kaum sejak penubuhannya lagi,'' ujar beliau.

蔡锐明下战书要翁诗杰举例何时曾【敢怒敢言】

28/09/2008 16:42:35 再次挑战马华总会长职的蔡锐明首向翁诗杰呛声，挑战对方既然自称「敢怒敢言」，就明确举例何曾就国家大事与政策严批巫统？ 蔡锐明今天推介本身的竞选宣言《重建马华，重拾民心，实现２０２０年宏愿》时，似乎同时发动了，对竞争对手翁诗杰的战书。 他说，所谓的敢怒敢言不是冲著芝蔴绿豆小事，而是是针对国家大事与政策敢于批评巫统。 「让我们看看过去的记录，他有没有对大事作出批评？我能记得的看来只有『3万变3000』（华小干捞事件），这就是敢怒敢言吗？」 敢怒敢言其实也不够今年64岁的蔡锐明曾在上届马华党选，直搞「龙穴」挑战总会长黄家定，结果败下阵来。这次他决定捲土重来，无惧地再次放眼马华第一高职。 曾经官拜卫生部长、马华副总会长的蔡锐明拥有40年从政经验，歷经在前任总会长林良实时代的马华AB队之争，当时倾向B队（署理总会长林亚礼）的他，更以「梅花越冷越开花」自喻在马华的绝不放弃。 蔡锐明指出，身为马华未来领导人，其实仅有「敢怒敢言」略嫌不足，清白与坚定的立场、丰富知识与经验，更是担当当马华领导不能缺的要素。 询及今天公佈竞选宣言，是否欲抢先翁诗杰在周二的公佈，他笑言，宣言内容才是最重要，先后秩序属次要。

最後一次機會重建馬華‧蔡銳明：絕不退選

星洲日報‧2008.09.20

最後一次機會重建馬華‧
蔡銳明：絕不退選








再度競選馬華總會長職的蔡銳明說：“中選後將拿起右手宣誓，我，蔡銳明不會貪污！”，並要帶領馬華面對下屆大選的生死決戰。（圖：星洲日報）











蔡銳明到星洲總社接受訪問時，提出本身對馬華政改、競選理念、參選心情等課題。右：《星洲日報》副新聞主任黃曉虹；左起：記者顏佩珊、首席記者郭淑卿。（圖：星洲日報）

2005年，他挑戰馬華總會長拿督斯里黃家定，而以696張多數票飲恨；2008年，他打出“不到黃河心不死”的口號，捲土重來。這次，他要跟昔日戰友，今日的副總會長拿督翁詩傑爭奪馬華第一把交椅。他，就是擔任9年部長的前衛生部長兼馬華前副總會長拿督蔡銳明。

一旦中選宣誓絕不貪污

有人說，蔡銳明已是上一代領袖，64歲的他還可以為馬華帶來甚麼希望？他到《星洲日報》總社現身說話時，告訴這些人――“年輕人或許有聰明，但這不是智慧，智慧是經驗累積而來”，並對馬華改革與政見侃侃而談，並強調馬華要“不談小事，回到民心”。

對於坊間流傳他再度競選是為了協助翁詩傑分散挑戰派的選票，甚至最後一分鐘退選。蔡銳明說：“你以為我有精神病？吃飽飯沒事做？”更堅定地表示絕不退選，因為這是他最後一次重建馬華的機會。

他說，如果他在10月18日當選，他要做的第一件事是在2400多名中央代表前，高舉右手宣誓：“我，蔡銳明，絕不貪污。”

競選總會長職優勢
我有9年部長經驗

問：有信心取得比上屆黨選更高的支持率嗎？

答：上屆參選時，沒有一位馬華領袖敢接觸我，包括翁詩傑在內。我在孤軍奮戰的情況下，仍取得37%的票數，表示基層接受我的理念。

上屆黨選的對手正是處於政治高峰期的黃家定。不過，這次卻是馬華59年來，首次沒有當權派，加上沒有了A、B隊，在沒有明顯挑戰派的情況，我看到我競選的機會。

問：但你的對手有部長優勢。

答：他是新部長，內閣經驗尚淺，要他在巫統資深部長面前爭取發言的機會不容易，而我有9年的部長經驗，清楚內閣的操作。內閣90%都是用英語交流，而且多數是擔任10多年的部長。

對馬華中生代來說，有沒有擔任部長不重要，他們要的是我們的政治理念及從政記錄，比如你是否批評過巫統？目前，中央代表關注的是巫統與馬華的主僕關系。

絕不退選
以族群國家前途為己任

問：你決心領導馬華，絕不退選？

答：我今年64歲，有6名孫子，生活寫意，隨時都可以坐飛機到墨爾本、美國，自由自在，生命如此美好，但我卻選擇最難的事情――擔任馬華總會長。

我的人生原則是――不要只是看重自己，要以族群及國家的前途為己任。

問：有人說，你出來競選是為了協助翁詩傑分散挑戰派的選票。

答：我有精神病是嗎？你以為我很得空，沒有事做嗎？競選總會長要走全國，見各地的中央代表，你以為我吃飽飯沒事做。

問：你的家人支持你嗎？

答：我感謝主，太太和孩子都很支持我，他們告訴大馬家需要轉變，提醒我做部長時，絕對不可以貪污。

所以，當我在10月18日中選時，我會在2400多名中央代表面前，高舉右手宣誓說：“我，蔡銳明，新出爐的總會長，謹此宣誓，我絕不貪污”。

我也會成立一個由資深律師組成的聯邦憲法研究小組，將憲法翻譯成中文，讓華社明白我們在憲法的權益。

馬華在國陣的地位
馬華再不改革失民心

問：那你的意思是繼你之後的馬華領導對華社問題有心無力？

答：華社從2004年大力支持國陣，到2008年全面否認國陣，已證明華社看到馬華領導不能再為他們爭取利益。

問：若馬華無法在國陣為華社爭取權益，為何馬華還要留在國陣？

答：問題出在馬華，不是國陣。政治海嘯是因為馬華掌握不到60萬新選民的需要，若馬華再不徹底改革，下一屆出現的80萬新選民也不會支持馬華。

馬華的轉型與危機／新經濟政策
華社享成果靠馬華爭取

問： 今天的馬華處境如何？

答：馬華要站在道德的高山，但現在站在道德高山上的不是馬華，而是民聯。他們在許多課題的立場都獲得人民的認同，因此馬華必須要糾正、改革，才能從黑暗的谷底走出來。

第一、馬華不再只談小事，而必須談國家大事；第2、513事件後，華社的害怕情緒使到馬華與巫統變成主僕關係，馬華不能再對敏感問題避而不談，否則華、巫、印社會都會拋棄我們。

問：為何你在馬華領導核心時，沒有糾正主僕關係？

答：我在內閣的9年內，國家經濟成長快速、政府開放經濟，華人也獲得政府工程。

1988年4月，我在國會強烈反對巫統延續新經濟政策（NEP）……在馬華不穩定的年代，是我代表華社在國會反映華人的困境，這使我遭到許多巫統領袖的攻擊，很多人甚至認為我的國會議席會被奪回。

1989年，馬哈迪在考慮我的意見後，成立國家經濟協調委員會，你可以問回委員會成員，我在委員會內的言論有多極端，今日華社享有的文化和經濟開放，是過去馬華領導層爭取的成果。

2005 年，我和巫青團署理團長凱里在電視公開辯論新經濟政策，不會說敏感而不提，更提出若政府要恢復NEP之前，必須給華社知道馬來人在國家經濟的百分比，並設 立多元種族組成的特別委員會，研究各種族所持有的股權；若馬來人未達到30%，華社願意協助他們，但目標達致，NEP就必須結束。凱里也表示同意。

與蔡細歷的關係
我們目標相同有聯繫

問：聽起來，你和競選署理總會長的蔡細歷似乎已有默契。

答：我相信，只要領袖的理念、目標及方向相同，就會自動走在一起。我的目標是重建馬華，回到民心。

問：你會和蔡細歷結盟嗎？

答：我不排除和任何人結盟，我常常對中央代表說，若你要支持我，我不會拒絕，政治就是這樣簡單。

問：你不擔心有許多柔州領袖競選高職而導致選票被分散嗎？

答：傳統上，柔州有兩名部長，今日卻一個都沒有，這是史無前例的。308大選，柔州為馬華保住最多的國席及州席，因此柔州中央代表的心願是，重新將馬華命運掌握在手上。他們知道這次黨選不能夠再有分裂。

2005年參選時並非為了一個州，今日也一樣。

立百病毒是政治上的污點嗎？
立百事件政治化圖推翻我

問：立百病毒事件是你政治上的污點嗎？

答：為瞭解決立百事件，我差點犧牲性命。

沒有一位部長敢進入醫院的時候，我深入災區及醫院，面對無情的攻擊，當時我確實覺得很苦，如果不是家人的支持，我可能已經辭職了。

我知道一些政治對手試圖利用立百事件，在1999年的黨選推翻我，當時沒有一名中委敢為我說話，幸虧中央代表知道事情的真相，成熟處理。

整個立百事件已經被政治化，目標是推翻我，就好像本屆區會選舉要推翻我。

豬的疾病控制和預防屬於農業部的職務，我知道這起事件是一個政治陰謀，是一個摧毀養豬業的陰謀。

問：不擔心有人用立百事件攻擊你嗎？

答：這由他們來頭痛了，我們處理立百病毒的手法，已獲得世界衛生組織的贊揚。

最後一次參選？
若中選不排斥任衛長

問：若中選總會長，會排斥出任衛生部長嗎？

答：不會排斥。如果我做總會長，一定會重新出任部長，只有這樣才能跟巫統部長談判，結束新經濟政策。

問：這是你的最後一戰嗎？

答：這是我人生秋末的最後階段，也是我最後一次出來重建馬華。中選後，只要達成使命，我會離開，所以我祈求上帝給我多一點時間。

元老論
年輕人或許聰明但非智慧

問：你是元老，怕不怕黨內的中青代排斥？

答： 他們還未看到我的宣言，怎么可以說不認同我？為何年輕人會支持安華、林吉祥和哈迪阿旺？他們又多少歲呢？年輕人或許有聰明，但這不是智慧，智慧是經驗累積 而來。我在內閣9年看到很多在巫統部長面前不敢講話的部長，巫統資深部長的智慧太高，馬華必須要有一名內閣經驗豐富的部長來應對他們。

每10年開一次會的經濟協調委員會將在明年召開第3次會議，若馬華黨選沒有選出一名資深的部長，要怎樣說服巫統糾正新經濟政策。

後記

昔日戰友今日對手
蔡銳明平常心戰翁詩傑

“沒有那麼緊張了……”

3年再戰馬華第一把交椅的蔡銳明，在離開星洲日報之前，這樣告訴我們。雖然他面對的對手，是昔日戰友，也是一位被視為呼聲高的候選人翁詩傑，但他以坦然、平靜的心情去迎戰。

跟上屆比較，他覺得這次是站在一個比較平衡的擂台上競選，只是他無法接觸到彭亨州的中央代表。我們說：“那不是你以前B隊領袖掌握的州屬？”，他說：“政治上，沒有永遠的朋友，也沒有永遠的敵人。”

他說，這次，他要贊揚黃家定，因為後者沒有阻止中央代表跟他會面。“即使是黃家泉，我一通電話給他，他也讓我跟北霹靂的代表見面……”

蔡銳明的小故事（一）

兒子媳婦發生神蹟
感受到主的力量

很多人都知道，蔡銳明是虔誠的基督教徒。其實，出身自傳統家庭的他，家中是膜拜“偶像”的，直到初三那年才有機會聽到福音，不過，自此40年都沒有進一步接觸。直到他的兒子被綁架、媳婦有孕及本身接二連三地發生一些神蹟而讓他真正感受到主的力量。

他說，2004年，他兒子被兩名匪徒綁架時，兒子在車上虔心祈禱，後來車子行駛到大使路交通圈時，瞬間車外浮現一道人型的白光把車門打開，然後說：“Keluar Sekarang！”，而他兒子奇蹟般地成功逃脫。

另一個例子是發生在他的媳婦。他說，他的媳婦患有嚴重甲狀腺疾病，不能懷孕，但她誠心祈禱。一年後的某一天，她媳婦看到一道白光，頭戴皇冠，像是天使地從樓梯走上來，然後手中的嬰兒抱給她。“那一年，她成功懷孕，誕下一名女兒”。

對於發生在他身上的神蹟，他說：“下次來聽我的福音，再告訴你”。

蔡銳明小故事（二）

進入疫區親眼目睹
無法忘記毀豬行動

在立百病毒疫情爆發，蔡銳明以衛長身份進入疫區，親眼目睹毀豬行動。毀豬的殘忍一幕，他迄今無法忘記。

“當毀豬人員來到養豬場時，這些豬隻是知道的，它們會發出凄慘的哀叫聲。當你準備射殺一頭豬時，另一頭豬會趨前擋住，就這樣，一頭一頭豬形成‘肉牆’……真的很殘忍。”

有資格攻頂‧我非過氣領袖

光明日報‧2008.09.20

有資格攻頂‧我非過氣領袖










蔡銳明：我不是過氣領袖，也不是為了面子再總會長。我沒有老人痴呆症，也不是愚蠢的人。

（吉隆坡）第二度競選馬華總會長職的前馬華副總會長兼前衛生部部長拿督蔡銳明聲稱，他是一名擁有總會長資格的資深領袖，而不是外界所說的“過氣領袖”。

此外，他也否認傳聞指他是為了面子問題騎虎難下，逼不得已再次競選總會長。

他說，雖然他沒有與其他競選者結盟，但他並不抗拒結盟關係，只要有中央領袖與他聯手合作，相信他這次會獲得代表更大的支持。

“下一任總會長是馬華歷史上最難做的一位總會長，他肩負拯救馬華的重大使命。難道就為了面子去做最難做的工作？如果是這樣的話，我的精神有問題了。你認為我會如此愚蠢嗎？”

現年64歲的蔡銳明，也是馬華柔佛州峇吉里區會主席，他週六接受《光明日報》專訪時，針對外界指他是“過氣領袖”及為面子再戰總會長的說詞作出反駁，並稱這是污辱一個人的說話。

他說，首相拿督斯里阿都拉、國內貿易及消費人事務部長拿督沙里爾、前首相敦馬哈迪及國會反對黨領袖拿督斯里安華的從政歷程，說明一位領袖就算離開主流很長的時間，仍然不會成為“過去式”。

指代表認同改革理念

“你來聽我演講，就會知道我是不是過氣領袖……你以為我有老人痴呆症？如果我是過氣領袖，我在峇吉里區會選舉受到兩面夾攻時，又發生了什麼事？（蔡銳明以91張多數票衛冕）”

蔡銳明說，經過全國巡迴演講及會見代表後，他發現相當多的代表認同他的改革理念，對他產生很大的鼓舞，從而決定競選總會長。

他透露，2005年黨選，沒有任何中央領袖敢於接觸他，而且正值總會長拿督斯里黃家定事業的巔峰期，使他被迫孤軍作戰，但他仍然有能力獲得大約37%的選票。

他說，本屆黨選，馬華黨史首次出現原任總會長或署理總會長沒有受到挑戰，這將對他的形勢更有利。

“在這種情況下，你認為會有很多中央領導接觸我嗎？我可能有部份的基本票會流失，但新的支持者會進來，如果有幾位中央領袖與我合作，你算一算吧（我的得票）！這是自然會發生的（結盟）。”

蔡銳明強調，與中央領袖合作是一種政治策略，惟最後是由中央代表作出決定，“但我相信，這次的選舉會產生一個有效率、有願景的領導層”。

拒說明與人結盟

蔡銳明接受本報訪問時，拒絕說明他這次競選馬華總會長職是否有與任何人結盟。

他聲稱，有人在競選期與他接觸本是正常的事。

不過，他表明，他是在全國走透透，並與中央代表及基層領導會面之後，才作出競選總會長職的決定。

以下是蔡銳明與記者的問答錄：

記：蔡細歷對你率先宣佈攻打總會長，似乎有所怨言，暗示你搞亂他的全盤計劃，你怎麼說？
蔡：我競選總會長，不是一兩天決定的，我早前說過，我要全國走一圈會見中央代表及基層領導，以尋找靈感。我走完一圈後，又與相當多位領導商量，才作出決定。

記：那些領導是誰？包括蔡細歷嗎？
蔡：我與很多黨的資深領袖聯絡，但不能告訴你是誰。

記：你並不屬意前總會長敦林良實的派系，你又如何爭取到他們的支持？
蔡：我不要預測誰與我合作，但在競選時期，會有人來接觸我，這是很正常和自然的程序。

記：這麼說，你這次的信心比上屆黨選更大了？
蔡：我的信心根基是中央代表，我全國走一圈後，獲得很強的信念，他們要改革，不要馬華一成不變。其實，馬華不只是要改變，而是要轉型，他們要知道誰可以領導馬華，使馬華轉型至各族群都會支持和尊重的程度，而把選票（大選）投給馬華候選人。

記：你認為自己的優點是什麼？
蔡：我有記錄，我有表現，我有願景，我也有計劃去完成願景。2005年黨選，我推出“新政治、新願景、新馬華”的口號，詳細說明我的願景、大方向及如何改革馬華，提供一個新方向給華社。我的願景反映自己30多年在政治領域的經驗。

記：如果你勝出，但黃家泉打敗了蔡細歷，你又如何與黃家定的這位哥哥良好合作？黃家定因素，對你來說還是一個問題嗎？
蔡：第一和第二必需要合作的，不是為了自己的利益，而是為了大眾。如果蔡細歷勝出，他也成為我的好伙伴。（記：如果黃家泉勝出，又是什麼伙伴？）每一位中委都是我的好伙伴，因為我們必須接受中央代表的評估。

敗北也不消失政壇 盼兒參政繼承父業

馬華總會長候選人蔡銳明說，就算他兩仗皆北，他也不會從此消失政壇，反而會繼續進行未完成的使命，並希望兩位兒子積極參政，以子承父業。

“我要通過政治改變國家與人民命運的使命，到今天都沒有結束，我是不到黃河心不死……我有5個兒子，有兩個參政就夠了，目前他們還不是活躍的黨員。”

他說，1969年513“種族暴亂”事件對他造成極大的衝擊，導致他決定投入政治圈。

“當年的5月14日，我與妻子在英國倫敦的一間公寓，與兩位馬來朋友看電視，畫面是大馬513事件，兩位馬來朋友看了沒有與我們道別，就馬上離開。他們沒有把我當作是好朋友，而是把我視為華人。從此，我決定把大馬民運視為最重要的使命。”

另外，針對人民聯盟一旦成功奪權，馬華在國陣的地位會有什麼改變時，蔡銳明說，在政治上，任何事情都會發生，到時再作決定。

競選宣言近期出爐

蔡銳明聲稱，如果他在2005年黨選中選為馬華總會長，馬華的命運就不會像現在般悲慘，所以馬華不能再等3年。

他說，他的競選宣言將在近期出爐，並保留上屆黨選“新政治、新願景、新馬華”競選宣言的大部份內容，因為這是一個長期的大計劃；況且在這3年內，馬華的遭遇與他的宣言不謀而合。

他透露，他不會對競爭對手進行人身攻擊，而是與對手公平競爭，以各自的紀錄及願景一較高低。

他也說，一旦他中選，他將會要求以上議員資格進入內閣，因為唯有擔任部長職的馬華總會長，才能有效地為民請命。

“表現超越道德” 大蔡暗挺小蔡

儘管傳聞馬華總會長候選人蔡銳明與馬華署理總會長候選人蔡細歷互不咬弦；但對馬華領袖的道德言論，“大蔡”蔡銳明卻有暗挺“小蔡”蔡細歷的意味。

在訪問接近尾聲時，蔡銳明主動提問記者有關“道德言論”；他說，在一般的競選，人們可能會顧忌一位候選人的道德問題，但本屆馬華黨選的情況未必是這樣。
他說，在馬華面對生死大挑戰的非常時刻，他相信中央代表會選出一名勇於反映華社的意願的人才，所以個人表現會超越道德課題。

記者追問“你似乎是對蔡細歷有信心”時，蔡銳明反而用馬來語回答：“沒有，這要看兩位候選人（蔡細歷與黃家泉）如何展現他們的才能、智慧和勇氣，以在內閣反映人民的意願了。”

此外，蔡銳明聲稱，一旦他中選總會長，而蔡細歷也中選署理總會長，兩人會是“好伙伴”；但他同時強調不管是誰中選，“每位中委都是好伙伴”。

光明日報‧2008.09.20

Chua: MCA needs a wise leader with experience

New Straits Times, 21st September 2008 Sunday

Touting himself as the voice of wisdom and experience, Datuk Chua Jui Meng is standing for the post of MCA president at party elections next month. He tells TAN CHOE CHOE why he is uniquely qualified to be party chief.

Q: What do you think is your advantage in this presidential race?

A: At a time of crisis, at a time when the party is deeply wounded, you need people of seniority and experience to lead the party and to articulate on major issues. I bring with me an involvement in politics starting from 1969, May 13 -- 39 years of involvement in student politics, MCA politics and national politics. I bring with me 15 years of experience in government, nine years of which was as a minister. I'm a person who's prepared to speak out clearly on matters which affect the Chinese community; matters of importance to the nation as a whole. I also have my performance in the Ministry of Health, which I took from being a backwater ministry to one that's highly respected in terms of administration, approach and care of the population.

Q: Some people say that you should stay retired rather than come back to active politics.

A: I wanted to retire from active politics after 2005. I asked the party to support (Datuk Seri) Ong Ka Ting when he won. I left him to lead the party, gave him and the deputy a chance to prove themselves. Before March 8 (general election), I still wanted to let the young people continue. But after the debacle, the party cannot wait another three years for reform. Otherwise, it'll become totally irrelevant, not only to the Chinese, but to the entire electorate. If I forsake my party now, history will record me as a person who did not care enough to want to change the party.

Q: You're not a minister now... are you facing any difficulty convincing the delegates that you can deliver what you promise?

A: Not so far. What strikes me in my walkabout with the central delegates is their realisation that they're in a hopeless condition. A window-dressing of four ministers in the government does not help. In the hearts of the central delegates, there is a great desire that MCA be transformed and they're looking for a leader who can do it. The fact that you're a minister does not mean that you have the solution. You are a minister because of the untoward event of March 8 where 65 per cent of our candidates were wiped out. In the name of making the party more youthful, so many senior candidates, people with a track record of winning, were taken out, including me.

Q: There are news reports that team you up with Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek. Are you on the same side?

A: I think people are still trying to locate their point of comfort. It will take a bit more time before something clearer emerges. Who will be linked with whom ... (it's) still not very clear.

Q: How is your relationship with Dr Chua?

A: My relationship with him has always been good.

Q: How about your relationship with Datuk Ong Tee Keat?

A: It used to be good. But he has not contacted me since I became marginalised (after his failed bid to unseat Datuk Seri Ong Ka Ting). So I can't say.

Q: If not a formal team-up with Dr Chua, did you two strike a deal which led him to contest for the No 2 post and not the No 1 position?

A: I think he found his own level of comfort and he believes that No 2 is a good position for him.

Q: If you should win, how do you plan to revive MCA?

A: MCA has to put its house in order. It must first transform itself into a truly political party and not a social organisation. We have to address national politics that has caused BN as a whole to lose. Policies that are on the radar of the Malays, Chinese and the Indians.

Q: You said MCA should get rid of its fear of other parties within the BN. Does that mean you're going to redefine MCA's role in the coalition, especially in relation to Umno?

A: The MCA must be no more a party of expediency. It must be a party of principles. You must be prepared to talk on major issues. We need senior people, not necessarily in terms of age, but experience and wisdom, within the cabinet and state governments. The problem with MCA is that they (present leadership) equated intelligence with youth. They forgot the more important quality called wisdom. You have to be able to be on equal standing with Umno leaders. Umno has got senior, wise ministers. You have young (MCA) people in the cabinet without that wisdom, without that track record of speaking up on important issues. You (the present MCA leadership) now say you can do it, that you can sit there and debate with Datuk Seri Dr Rais Yatim, negotiate with Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin and deal with Datuk Seri Syed Hamid Albar. I tell you, you're no match. You cannot have a Perodua running in a Grand Prix.

Q: Is MCA still going to stick with the policy of dealing with problems in the coalition behind closed doors?

A: No. We have to be more articulate. Every political party in the world has one unqualified right -- the right to disagree. You have the right to analyse, criticise and say no. What did we do? We took this right and we told Lim Kit Siang, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang, please take it. You dissent, we keep quiet.

Q: What's the first thing you want to do if you win?

A: If I'm the president after the votes have been counted, I'll stand in front of the camera and all the leaders of MCA in the nation, and raise my right hand and say, "I, Chua Jui Meng, president of MCA, will not be corrupt."

Q: Many say that presidential candidate Datuk Ong Tee Keat is a shoo-in. Many seem to have written you off even before you offered yourself.

A: ntv7 asked me why the party lost so much (in the March general election). I said "mou shi zai ren, cheng shi zai tian" (Men proposes, God disposes). Until the last vote is counted, do not count your chickens before they are hatched. The delegates are talking about change -- who can have the vision and ability to lead us. Who can transform not only the party, but also the fate of the Chinese community and balance the races of this country? Who has got the depth of experience?

Q: If you are to take over, will MCA become a plural party instead of a communal party?

A: Is there an alternative? There'll be 800,000 new voters in the next round and they're all young and net savvy. We have to be multiracial in philosophy and approach. But if I'm the president and open the doors to the Malays and Indians, why would they want to come in when we can't even get our house in order? But over time, we have to evolve into a multi-racial party. We have to change our outlook and look at ourselves as Malaysians.

Q: How has the last few years been for you?

A: Wonderful. I've been rejuvenated, re-energised and refreshed. I was marginalised but I was an MP and served wherever I could. If the general election had not gone the way it had, I'd be happy to retire. I know what it entails for the next president. It will be the most difficult presidency in the history of the party. You have to use here (points to head) and here (heart) to rebuild the party, return it to relevance, and to achieve vision 2020.

一步一脚印

1969年
-513事件极大的冲击,导致决定投入政治圈,‬协助团结各族人民‭。

1970年
-当选为英国与爱尔兰的马来西亚和新加坡法律学会主席‭。

1976年
-加入马华公会‭。

1978年
-中选为麻坡区会属下丹绒支会主席‭。

1984年
-麻坡马华公会救党委员会主席‭。

1986年
-以1,105张多票数成功中选为巴吉里区国会议员‭。

1988年
-针对乖离及错误诠释新经济政策，在国会以“华人的困境”为主题，发表长达两小时的冗长
演说。结果，政府非常敏锐，并迅速的作出回应，并在1989到1990年召开了第一届“全国经
济谘询理事会‭”‬，出席的150位代表中，土著与非土著代表各占一半。闭门商议的结果，以
1990到2000年国家发展政策取代了新经济政策，导致晋入了经济、教育及文化开放的时代。
在1995年‭、‬1999年及2004年全国大选中，华裔选民情绪从倾向反对党，转向倾向国阵‭。

1989年
-被委任为第一届全国经济谘询理事会成员‭。

1989年
-被委任为卫生部政务次长‭。

1990年
-以第２高票首次当选为马华公会副总会长‭。

1990‭～‬1995年
-被委任为国际贸工部副部长‭。

1993年
-以最高票，第２次中选为副总会长‭。

1995年
-以12,318张多票数漂亮胜出，第３次中选为巴吉里区国会议员‭。
-被委任为卫生部长直到2004年，成为至今任期最长的卫生部长‭。

1996年
-以最高票胜出，第３次当选为副总会长‭。

1995‭～‬2004年
-担任卫生部长‭。
-成功把卫生部从缺乏活力的部门，转变成具鲜明的公共形象，以对人民开放、对公众和病人的
献身精神及充满爱心的文化而获得肯定‭。
-稳健扩展期。在这期间，总共建立及提升了超过30间的医院。建设新颖的现代化社区医疗
中心。在人口超过400万，还在继续增加的巴生谷地区的士拉央、沙登、布特拉再也、双溪
毛糯及安邦等地建立全面电子化的现代化医院，结成21世纪医疗网在全国各地建立
许多新的医院。每一家医院都特别专注于不同的医疗专科，例如：士拉央医院专注于肝脏
疾病、手部及显微手术等; 而沙登医院则专注于心脏疾病。国内各地也兴建了许多的新医院‭。
-国内的专科医院速增至42间‭。
-设立新的心脏中心，为新山、槟城、亚庇（沙巴医药中心‭）、‬古晋及沙登等地人民提供服务。
在亚罗士打兴建的医院，完成了新的心脏中心‭。
-在班丹新启用的苏丹依斯迈专科医院和亚庇的沙巴医药中心设立新的癌症治疗中心‭。
-透过积极推介及落实职员培训计划，塑造部门企业文化，普遍上改变医院及诊疗所员工们的
态度及工作文化。这包括：
‭　‬ *爱心的服务‭
　 ‬*专业的服务‭
　 ‬*团队工作‭　
‬这项以“笑是良药”为口号的运动，成功的把医院的服务从“以医生为本”转变为“以病人为
本‭”‬，病人成为专业团队的关注焦点及中心‭。
-承认７间台湾大学的医科、药剂及牙科系的学位‭。
-允许中国大学毕业生在马来西亚参加最后一年的医药考试，若及格便获准注册为正式医生‭。

1998年
-当金融危机爆发时，我国的中小型工业陷入信贷的困境。财政部成立了中小型工业基金来协助业 者。但是华人中小型工业无法申请获有关基金，因为，银行告诉他们，这项基金只供土著申请。 作为马华公会贸工局（包括中小型工业）主席的拿督蔡锐明，迅速与马来西亚中华工商联合会和华总开会商讨对策，在５天内即举办了由我党总会长拿督斯里林良实主持，与财政部长拿督斯里安华的对话会，吸引了超过１千名华商出席。对话取得显著成果，在会议结束后安华宣布基金开放给所有种族商家申请，同时还解决了一些其他的问题‭。
-这催生了由拿督蔡锐明为主席的全国中小型工业谘询中心‭（‬NASMIC）的成立‭。

1999年
-以第２高票，第４次中选为副总会长‭。
-第４次中选为巴吉里区国会议员，多票数继续提高到13,360张‭。

2002年
-在“和平计划”下，第５次出任副总会长‭。

2004年
-以19,059张的巨大多票数再次中选为巴吉里会国会议员‭。

蔡锐明攻会长, 基层反应良好

蔡銳明攻會長　基層反應良好 东方日报22/09/2008 　 （吉隆坡21日訊）馬華總會長候選人拿督蔡銳明表示，各州代表及基層對獲悉他競選總會長後，都給予良好的反應。 他說，宣佈競選總會長後走訪基層期間，覺得基層及州代表對他的宣佈都給予很好的反應。 蔡銳明今日出席「2008年度馬華直轄區常年大會」開幕後，受記者詢問時表示，前來大會的目的是與代表們握手問好，以及聆聽馬華總會長拿督斯裡黃家定的演講。 詢及握手是否有助他拉到選票，他說：「不能，最重要的是理念，如何救黨、如何來贏得民心……這些才是最重要。」 他也透露，將糾正自己的競選宣言後，才正式對外宣佈最新版本的競選宣言。「他們認同我的宣言，我的願景，所以給予我很大的鼓勵。」 此外，這名前副總會長也說，如果他當選馬華總會長，他將在內閣發表馬華的意見，要求重新檢討甚至是廢除內安法令。 「如果我中選為總會長，我會在內閣盡力爭取（檢討內安法令），我們會給意見……包括廢除內安法令。」 詢及內政部長拿督賽哈密並不覺得要廢除內安法令，他表示，認同目前的局勢，國家可能面對恐怖分子的威脅，因此需要特定法令保護國家安全，但不好的法令依然要廢除。

TRACK RECORD OF DATO' CHUA JUI MENG

1969

-Decided to enter politics to help bring unity to the races of Malaysia.

1970

- Elected President of the Malaysian & Singaporean Law Society in U.K. and Eire.

1976

- Joined MCA.

1978

- Elected Chairman of Tanjung Branch, Muar Division.

1984

- Chairman of the Muar MCA

1986

- Elected MP for Bakri

1987

- Elected Chairman of the Bakri MCA Division.

1988

- 2 hour speech in Parliament on the MALAYSIAN CHINESE DILEMMA

as a result of the deviations and misimplementation of the New Economic

Policy. As a result of this speech,Government responded quickly and sensitively

by calling for the 1st National Economic Consultative Council in 1989 -1990

of 150 representatives, half Bumiputras and half non Bumiputras. The fruit of

the deliberations behind closed doors was the replacement of the NEP with the

National Development Policy 1990 -2000 -an era of liberalisation in economies,

education and culture. Chinese voter sentiment changed in 1995, 1999 and 2004

from pro Opposition to pro Barisan Nasional.

1989

- Appointed Parliamentary Secretary of the Ministry of Health.

1990

- Elected 2nd VP of MCA.
- Reelected as MP for Bakri.

1990-1995

- Appointed Deputy Minister of International Trade and Industry.

1995

- Reelected as MP Bakri
- Appointed Minister of Health

1996

- Elected as 1st VP MCA - 3rd term.

1995-2004

- Period of rapid expansion. Over 30 hospitals were built or upgraded

during this period.
- Expansion of the numbers of specialist hospitals to 42.
- Establishing new heart centers in Johor Bahru, Penang, Kota Kinabalu
(Sabah Medical Centre), Kuching and Serdang. A new centre is being

completed at the new Alor Setar General Hospital.
- Establishing new cancer centres at the new Sultan Ismail Hospital, Pandan

and through the Sabah Medical Centre at Kota Kinabalu.
- Change of attitudes and work culture in which comprises of:-
a) caring in service b) working professionally c) working as a team.
The slogan of the campaign was "A smile is therapeutic".

- Recognised Taiwan degrees in Medicine, Pharmacy and Dentistry from 7

Taiwanese Universities.
- Allowed graduates from universities in China to sit for the final year

medical examination in Malaysia.

- Developed and promoted Malaysia as the most advanced country in

establishing fully electronic hospitals.

1998

- NASMIC (National SMI Consultative Centre) was formed with
CJM as Chairman.

1999

- Reelected for the 4th term as MCA's 2nd VP.
- Reelected as MP for Bakri with an increased majority of 13,360.

2004

- Reelected as MP for Bakri with an increased majority of 19,059

PRESS STATEMENT BY DATO' CHUA JUI MENG ON AHMAD ISMAIL

Ahmad Ismail must be expelled

The Ahmad Ismail issue must be brought to a close. His attempt to excuse his racially divisive rhetoric is a slap in the face to all Malaysians, regardless of party allegiances, race or religion.

His act of violence is not only an offence against Koh Tsu Koon and Gerakan, but against the entire Barisan Nasional.

His actions are a direct challenge to the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister and the Malaysian Government. With his arrogant outbursts he dares to hold the whole country to ransom.

The seditious statements he makes are in direct contravention of Article 8 of the Federal Constitution that makes all Malaysians equal before the law.

This is the time for firm action, the Prime Minister must show that he is the leader of all Malaysians and expel Ahmad Ismail from UMNO.

The Prime Minister and the Cabinet must also discuss Ahmad Ismail’s statements, one of the most seditious I have ever encountered, and have him charged under the court of law.

I urge the UMNO leadership to be firm, put out this fire before it becomes uncontrollable.

They must decide now whether it is better to sacrifice one man or to risk the entire Barisan Nasional coalition.

Questions for Dato' Chua Jui Meng for Off the Edge

1. What fails MCA? What does MCA stand for now?

MCA’s failure lies in its fear to voice its convictions.

We have the little brother mindset that prevents us from playing a more active role in formulating and deciding key policies that impact our community and our nation.

We have a post-May 13 spirit of fear that we will offend our UMNO partners and lose positions and privileges if we speak out against policies that are obviously detrimental to the unity and development of our nation.

And because of this mindset and spirit, we have lost our focus from being a political party that grapples with the big policy issues of our day, to focus on the smaller welfare programs. Though these programs are good, MCA must be a political party first and foremost!

A silent politician is no politician. Silent politics is equal to zero politics.


2. What do you think MCA should stand for?

MCA must fight to uphold the Federal Constitution, which under Article 8 declares all Malaysians as equal before the law and therefore entitled to the equal protection of the law.

MCA must stand for the fundamental tenets of Vision 2020, which is the creation of a unified and progressive nation that is socially just and prosperous.

MCA must therefore stand for, and fight for, the fundamental rights of the Malaysian rakyat.

3. What is the relevance of an ethnic-based party, such as MCA, for Malaysians today?

A mono-ethnic party that acts on its own has no relevance in Malaysia today. However, MCA must be taken in context with its alliance with the other mono-ethnic parties that comprise the Barisan Nasional. This alliance was formed on the basis of mutual respect and consensus amongst the different races post-Merdeka. It’s original creed and ideals were to align the needs of each ethnic group in Malaysia so that none are left out. I concede that the original spirit of the alliance has altered drastically – especially since the May 13th incident.
Therefore for MCA to return to relevance we must fight for the restoration of the original spirit of the Barisan Nasional coalition. And perhaps one day to even forge a single multi-ethnic party with our coalition partners.

4. Malaysians are used to being told how parties such as MCA and UMNO ‘fight for the rights of their members’, ie the Chinese/Malay/Indians. What are these rights?

The rights as defined within the Federal Constitution, i.e. the rights to equal protection before the law, the freedom to worship as they choose, the rights to Mother Tongue education, the rights to cultural and political expression.

5. Why is it that it has taken an UMNO outcast to champion ‘ketuanan rakyat’?

Perhaps because his years in the ‘political wilderness’ humbled him enough to see the world as the man on the street desires it to be.

6. Should the MCA pull out of Barisan Nasional? The MCA has been a partner of UMNO since Independence but from a relationship that can be described as “Setiakawan” during the time of Tun Tan Cheng Lock, HS Lee, Tan Siew Sin, it has eroded over the last thirty years to become one in which UMNO is big brother and everyone else poor cousins in terms of political power. We have seen in the recent past how the MCA President has had to “kow tow” to the UMNO Youth Chief. Realistically, how can the MCA revert back to the “setiakawan” relationship with UMNO? And if it can’t happen, the Chinese community will abandon the party even more. Your comments please.

As you have mentioned we have had a long relationship with our BN partners, notably UMNO. I do not believe it is right for us to treat a relationship that old, with so much history and achievements, that lightly. To pull out now just because of the change in tides smacks of political opportunism, and the rakyat will note it with cynicism.

In as much as we blame UMNO for the loss of two thirds of all our seats, we must be frank and take responsibility ourselves as well. I warned back in 2005 that unless MCA changed, we would be rejected by the community. I asked then whether our constituents supported us because of our ideals and our policies, or did they support us just because we carry the BN flag? I asked because it seemed then even as it seems now that the people give or withhold their support to MCA on the basis of the positive or negative actions of UMNO. MCA has lost its voice, its ability to persuade based on its own merit and must borrow its prestige from UMNO.

And in an ironic twist, because we emasculated ourselves we too failed the Barisan Nasional. We should have had the courage to voice the concerns of our constituents. We failed to remember that the overwhelming victory the BN obtained in 2003 was because of the promises of change we gave to the rakyat. The MCA leadership should have been more vigorous in pushing the government in fulfilling the election pledges. Instead our leadership grew complacent.

7. We are told that if a referendum was held among party members today, the majority will vote that the party leaves BN. Your comments? And would you be prepared, on becoming president, to put this to a referendum?

Yes I have heard that sentiment voiced all across the country. However I believe that it is important first and foremost for MCA to set its own house in order. We need to become a political party of principle. And our principles must be in alignment with the rakyat. MCA must work to reconnect with our community specifically and together with BN the rakyat generally.

Ultimately, our decision to remain or leave the BN must be based on principles, not expediency. And I personally believe that a reformed MCA must help to lead the fight for reform within the BN.

As I believe MCA can be redeemed, therefore I believe UMNO and the BN too can be redeemed.

8. What are the fundamental reforms that you would advocate for the MCA, assuming that you think the party needs reforming?

Well, as mentioned earlier we need to reform our mindset, our spirit and our focus. We need to get serious on national policy, we need to find our voice to represent to the government the needs and desires of not just the Malaysian Chinese, but Malaysians in general. And to do that we need to get in touch with the rakyat again. Reconnect with them if you will.

I also believe that the MCA party itself needs to be more transparent and tolerant of dissent. I would move to limit the powers of our Disciplinary Committee so that its powers cannot be used to silence legitimate dissent within the party.

I would also convene a National Conference of party leaders, businessmen, religious leaders, educationists and NGOs to create a masterplan for the party, community and the nation. This would form one of the key strategies of reconnecting with the people and would provide a political roadmap for MCA.


9. Coming down to the nitty gritty of policy – what would you advocate for say, Chinese education? As much as UMNO is protectionist of its bastions such as UiTM, a certain Malaysian Chinese constituency will defend its right to mother tongue education.

This is one example of antagonistic and expedient political posturing that has fundamentally damaged the country’s institutions and the country itself. For example, the Malaysian student body is polarised between Malay and non-Malay, and from a young age. Would you agree, and can a party like the MCA address a very fundamental problem of this nature? How so?

Well, I would like to point out that Article 12 of the Federal Constitution states that there should be no discrimination in the allocation of funds to schools based on race or religion. So I believe it is important for MCA to remind the government that it must match the funding it gives to the vernacular and religious schools to the funding it gives to the national language schools.

And I think the general population is still in favour of preserving the right to Mother Tongue education as enshrined in our Federal Constitution. I have to disagree that the ethnic polarisation in the Malaysian student body you mentioned is due solely to the existence of Mother Tongue language schools.

I do believe we can have unity in diversity. And it matters not if we have different cultural backgrounds, so long as we have the will and the language skill to communicate effectively with one another. So perhaps we need to strengthen our linguistic studies to ensure effective communication.

No, the ethnic polarisation in our country has much to do with the fact that the government, through the NEP, seeks to identify and classify the rakyat according to ethnic lines in order to determine the allocation of benefits and government projects.

When the NEP was first established its primary objective was two-pronged: - firstly to eradicate poverty and secondly, to remove the identification of economic activity along ethnic lines.

So for all intents and purposes the objective of the second prong of the NEP was to blur the racial lines and to create a unified Malaysian race.

I think over the years the government has lost sight of this original intent, and we find that the NEP is now entrenching ethnic divisions rather than tearing them down. I believe now is the time to bring the NEP to a close and to create poverty-eradication policies that are truly blind to ethnicity, and for national policies that will unify us. Only then can Malaysia move forward, as one nation undivided.

10. Pakatan Rakyat’s agenda for reforms in the economy and governance of the country, especially in pursuing economic policies that are driven by merit and needs rather than ethnicity. Shouldn’t the MCA support such an agenda?

Absolutely! In fact I’m saddened that through our leadership’s complacency we have surrendered this morally high ground to others.

So yes, MCA must support this agenda as a matter of principle and we must persuade our BN partners to do likewise.

11. There is a clamour for democracy from ordinary Malaysians. And yet the parties that are now in government seem unable to conduct their own elections in a democratic fashion, using a multi-layered delegate system that is prone to being corrupted instead of direct voting. Is there money politics in MCA?

Sadly I believe so. However, I believe in the decency and intelligence of the members to put their party and community first, especially at such a time as this when we are fighting for the very survival of our party.

If elected I will affirm my commitment to not be corrupt before all the delegates. I will set the tone for honest democracy within the party.

12. Would you advocate opening up the MCA’s voting process to grassroots members, and making the campaign funding of candidates more transparent?

The problem is not in the delegate system, the problem is the money politics that distorts the democratic process. It is a matter of enforcement, of the party leadership taking a firm stand to crack down on this practice. We have the party organs – the organising state secretariats, the Disciplinary Committee to investigate these claims and enforce party regulations. this is a matter of the political will to overcome this problem.

13. One that has been forgotten in the aftermath of March 8 is the promise by the government for Cabinet ministers to declare their assets, or at least their financial interests. Should office bearers of political parties in power show the way, with MCA in the lead?

When I was a Minister and even as a backbencher everyone from the frontbench to the backbench had to declare their assets.

On my part I definitely support this practice.

However I’m not sure if it should apply to all office bearers of political parties, especially if they are not holding a government portfolio and hence would still considered private citizens and therefore possess the right to privacy.

14. How different is your agenda from that of your rivals for the party leadership?

To be fair, I have yet to see their agenda on the table. I hear the word ‘change’ quite a bit but nothing concrete. I would hope to convince the central delegates that it is easy to talk about change in hindsight, which is the aftermath of our disastrous electoral showing on March 8. I however spoke about change even after the overwhelming electoral victory we won in 2003, as can be seen in my previous manifesto. That is foresight, which I contend is much more difficult and thus a more important quality to have in a leader especially in these difficult times.

I debated the revival of the NEP, first suggested by UMNO Youth and later endorsed by UMNO, with Khairy Jamaluddin in 2005, well aware then that the NEP would one day become a millstone around the BN’s neck, especially as the electorate matures and comes to expect changes from government to keep up with their needs and ideals.

I spoke about changing the way MCA does politics and how important it was for us to find our courage so that we could voice the aspirations of our people in the corridors of power.

I spoke about changing the education system so that every Malaysian child has a future and a place in our local economy as well as the global marketplace.

I spoke about upgrading our industries and retraining our labour force so that Malaysia can remain competitive in the dynamic global economy, especially in the face of the rising economic giants that is India and China.

I spoke about the urgency of having masterplans in Education, Economics, Politics and Culture to provide the roadmap and direction for the party, community and nation, where the best and brightest would be invited to be the think tank that formulates those masterplans.

I spoke about those things then, I speak about them now. And if given the opportunity to lead, I will continue not only to speak out but to strive to make these reforms a reality.

That is the real difference between me and my rivals.

March 8th was our wake up call; let MCA arise to a new dawn on October 18th!

“寄居论” 与 “内安法令”

1. 我对星洲日报高级记者陈云清和雪兰莪高级行政议员郭素沁及著名部落客拉惹柏特拉被拘捕的消息深感震惊。
   
   现今政府对308后的政治局势依然感到模糊，此举不仅让人民感到困扰，同时也对国阵盟友之间互相猜疑及产生不必要的摩擦。
   
   星洲记者陈云清揭穿阿末依斯迈的“寄居论”而被内政部援引内安法令第73(1)条文被拘捕，我感到震惊！她是做错了什么？她又胡乱报导了什么？据我所知，她只是将听到的写出来给读者看。这样也有错吗？如果她报导的都是假的，那么我国副首相纳吉为什么又要出来道歉呢？为什么巫统又要冻结阿末的党籍三年呢？
   
   再说，为何政府必须援引内安法令对付现年仅23岁的年轻记者，而不引用国内的现有法律途径？况且煽动种族情绪者仍然逍遥法外，而述实者却无辜被捕。
   
   此举不但无法达至完美的结局，相反的却使到国内情绪更紧张及恶化！若首相要挽回人民以及国会制度的信心，他应该事先向国人说明拘捕这位在野国会议员的理由及原因。
   
   同时我认为有关当局在处理（今日大马）部落客事件时不够果断，此举更让国人再次感到模糊。
   
   而我也欣赏与赞同拿督斯士雅丁的说法。他认为星洲日报高级记者陈云清、雪兰莪高级行政议员郭素沁及著名部落客拉惹柏特拉三人皆应该在法律的制度下赋予基本辩护权利。
   
   深信此时是国会限制内安法令的最好时机。以确保当局不会重犯以往的错误。
   
   我也对三家报馆接获警告信的事件表示关注，因为政府此举将打击我国新闻自由排行榜的名次及声誉。
   
   政府在308后应该在处理人民事件时需具备一定的敏感度，同时应该停止扮演一只“受伤老虎”的角色。相反的，领导层应该当机立断表现出成熟民主主义的风范，同时也可展现出新格局以达到人民的期望。滥用内安法令的做法应该马上停止，无辜者更应该马上释放。
   
   在此我正式呼吁马华部长们，勇于面对此事，维护我党尊颜，寻求解决方案！

Press Conference in English

Press Conference in Mandarin

.....all men are equal before the law..

KUALA LUMPUR (Sept 10, 2008): Former MCA vice-president Datuk Chua Jui Meng today expectedly announced his second bid for the MCA presidency, immediately setting the tone for his campaign by speaking out against the continued use of the "Ketuanan Melayu" slogan. Chua Jui Meng announce his candidacy in MCAPresidential Election at Le Meridian Hotel, K.L. "I am nobody's 'Tuan', neither is anyone my 'Tuan'. Everyone is born equal on this earth," he said in a two-hour media conference at a hotel here. "Article 8 of the Federal Constitution ensures that all men are equal. We are equal citizens of this nation." He said such slogans will antagonise and divide the races in the country and cause young people to continue to vote against Barisan Nasional (BN). Chua, 64, said he was firmly committed to Vision 2020 and the realisation of a Bangsa Malaysia (one Malaysian race). Asked whether he would advocate a one-party system in BN, he said: "Not necessarily. We can still be a Bangsa Malaysia in the treatment of the law. "We must return to the fundamentals of the Federal Constitution, which is all men are equal before the law and are entitled to equal protection of the law, so the law must not be discriminatory to anyone."

重建马华 。重拾民心 。实现2020宏愿

本届党选将决定马华的未来

- 我的承诺 -

-马华 需要一名可以和巫统资深领袖谈判的总会长。

-马华 必须改变害怕得罪巫统的思维。

-马华 迫切需要进行改革多元视野。

-马华 领袖必须宣誓绝不贪污，贯彻清廉作风。

-马华 必须引进国内外精英草拟“华社经济大蓝图”

CHUA JUI MENG BIODATA

家庭背景： 已婚，育有5子

学历 : 英国法律系学士

党职

1989年出任马华副总秘书
1990年至2005年担任马华副总会长
1993年出任吉打州联委会主席

官职
1989年受委卫生部政务次长
1990年出任国际贸易及工业部副部长
1995年受委卫生部长至2004年大选为止